Family change in Europe is not happening in a uniform way — and people’s attitudes do not always keep pace, unfolding in complex and uneven patterns. In much of Europe, family-related behaviors that were once unconventional have become increasingly ordinary. It is now normative for couples to live together before marrying, with a significant share choosing not to marry and separating more frequently. Furthermore, almost half of children are born outside wedlock and mothers return to work soon after childbirth.
While behaviors have changed rapidly, attitudes have not always evolved at the same speed — and they vary significantly across countries.
In a new paper published in Population and Development Review, we use European Social Survey data from 21 countries to examine how people evaluate a range of so-called “nontraditional” family behaviors (defined here as five behaviors central to debates about family change: living together without marrying; having children outside marriage; women working full-time when children are very young; divorce when children are under 12; and remaining childless by choice). We also explore whether these views differ by education and how they have shifted over time. The results reveal a nuanced picture: although acceptance has grown in many places, it remains uneven across both countries and educational groups.
Some behaviors (cohabitation, nonmarital childbearing, and maternal employment) are now widely accepted across Europe. In many countries, these practices have become so common that they are no longer seen as particularly controversial.
Yet acceptance is far from universal. Two behaviors still divide opinion: voluntary childlessness and divorce involving young children. These remain more contentious, particularly in parts of Eastern Europe, suggesting that not all aspects of family change are progressing at the same pace.
No single European pattern of family attitudes
According to the “Second Demographic Transition” (SDT) theory, new family behaviors and values emerged in Northern Europe and gradually spread south and east. Our findings partially support this but also reveal a more complex picture.
Nordic countries remain forerunners, showing consistently high acceptance of all the behaviors we examine. However, beyond this group, patterns become much less predictable:
- Southern Europe is more progressive than often assumed. Spain and Portugal show high levels of acceptance, rivaling some Northern countries, while Cyprus remains more conservative.
- Western Europe is surprisingly mixed. Belgium and the Netherlands resemble Nordic countries, but German-speaking countries (Austria, Germany, Switzerland) show lower levels of approval and more ambivalence.
- Eastern Europe displays marked variation across countries. Countries like Poland and Slovenia show relatively high acceptance, while others—including Hungary, Slovakia, and Bulgaria—remain more restrictive.
Rather than following a smooth geographical pattern, attitudes across Europe combine regional similarities with notable country-level differences, shaped by diverse cultural, institutional, and historical contexts.
Education matters — but only for some attitudes
According to SDT theory, more educated individuals are consistently more liberal in their attitudes. Our findings challenge this idea. Educational differences in attitudes exist, but only for certain issues. Highly educated people are more likely to approve of divorce involving young children, and women’s full-time employment when children are young. However, for other behaviors, such as cohabitation, nonmarital childbearing, and voluntary childlessness, educational differences are often small or absent. In many cases, people across educational levels hold similar views.
This selective pattern is especially striking when considering gender roles. While support for men’s full-time employment is nearly universal, attitudes toward mothers’ employment vary significantly by education. This likely reflects what scholars call the “incomplete gender revolution”: progress toward gender equality has been uneven, with persistent double standards in expectations for mothers and fathers.
Educational gaps have narrowed in some regions — but not others
As nontraditional family behaviors become more common, we might expect attitudes across social groups to converge. This reflects a broader idea in demographic research that new ways of living often spread gradually through society, with early adopters paving the way for wider acceptance. Our findings show that this happens, but not everywhere. In Southern and Eastern Europe, where many of these behaviors have spread more recently, educational differences have narrowed for some issues—particularly cohabitation and nonmarital childbearing. This suggests that, as behaviors become normalized, differences in attitudes diminish. In contrast, in Nordic countries and much of Western Europe, educational gaps in acceptance of “nontraditional” family behaviors have remained stable over time. Even in societies where liberal attitudes are widespread, differences between social groups persist. This result challenges the idea of a universal shift toward more individualistic values. Instead, attitudinal change appears to be shaped by both cultural diffusion and structural inequalities.
Family attitudes in Europe are changing — but not uniformly
Taken together, our findings point to a broader conclusion: changes in family attitudes across Europe are neither uniform nor linear. Some behaviors have become widely accepted, while others remain contested. Some countries share similarities, while others diverge. And education inequalities continue to shape how people view family life.
Understanding these dynamics matters. Attitudes toward family behaviors influence policy debates, workplace norms, and the everyday decisions people make about relationships, work, and parenthood.
As European societies continue to evolve, recognizing the diversity and persistence of these attitudes will be essential for designing policies that reflect how people actually live and think about family life today.
About the Authors
Katrin Schwanitz, University of Turku
Lydia Palumbo, University of Turku
Ann Berrington, University of Southampton, Southampton
Marika Jalovaara, University of Turku